Showing posts with label CULTURE. Show all posts
Showing posts with label CULTURE. Show all posts

Friday, November 18, 2016

Ghalib and Religion




Ghalib’s outlook on life was a kind of revolt against restrictive morality and his ideas on religion were in opposition to those of the orthodox. At the time of his arrival in Delhi, the intellectual life of the city, as mentioned earlier, was dominated by the religious controversies between traditionalists and radical thinkers. These controversies were not confined to theologians alone, all educated Muslims were affected by it and, in general terms, allegiance would be given to one side or the other. But Ghalib’s own position was characteristically different, though his closest friend, Fazl-i-Haq, was the main protagonist of the traditionalists. Ghalib did not allow his admiration of Haq to dominate his own judgment. Although we do not possess any detailed knowledge of the evolution of Ghalib’s views on religion, his own attitude towards God was not always one of reverence. He shared the views expressed by preceding Persian and Urdu poets that man was a helpless puppet in God’s hands, yet he is unfairly accountable to God for his actions. Such sentiments however, occur with a touch of humour in Ghalib’s writings.

Ghalib’s attitude on religion was akin to those of the Sufi mystic lover of God. He lived his life by principles, radically different from those of the orthodox, personified in the ghazals as sheikh, an elder or a religious leader. He rejects with contempt, their doctrine of prescribed conduct of life motivated by hope of reward and fear of punishment in the life to come. Thus, Ghalib writes:
“Abstinence wins no praise from me. What thought be it sincere?
Behind it lies raw greed to win reward for virtuous deeds.”

The reference to wine (prohibited to Muslims on earth), the saqi (the wine server) and the tavern, occur repeatedly in his poetry, but in keeping with the best traditions of the Indo-Persian poetry, mostly in symbolic terms. Ghalib never kept the Ramzan fast and was prepared to admit it. He admitted his vices (wine drinking and gambling), ridiculed the sermonizers and in general, lived a life-style of flamboyance, whenever his financial condition permitted him to do so.

God, according to Ghalib, was not to be found in the idol in the temple or through obeisance in the mosque. The truly spiritual could not be constrained by such narrow categorization. Underlying this contempt for religious rituals was a profound eclecticism, a deep-seated conviction in the brotherhood of the human race, each of them being symbols of the divinity and love of the one almighty. Ghalib’s secular ideals can be measured from his expressed desire to ultimately settle down in Banaras (most revered of the Hindu places of worship). Ghalib’s contempt for established tenets went down well with the eclectic Sufi mood of the times. This eclectic mood itself had played a catalytic role in the development of the Urdu language. Although Persian was the court language of the Mughals as well as that of the Islamic orthodoxy, it never became the language of the masses. The evolution of Urdu, gaining from Persian, but drawing real substance from the idiom and vocabulary of the everyday language of the people, thus, also went a long way in bringing about a cultural synthesis.

Following most ghazal poets, Ghalib also uses the common mystic concept of God revealing herself/himself in the beauty of the universe and therefore equates the worship of beauty with the worship of God. The embodiment of the beauty worship could be equated with a beautiful women or a handsome boy. Here we can get a glimpse of the symbolic use of Hinduism, as the embodiment of the worship of beauty. The orthodox Muslim opposition to the Hindus was also related to their idol worship. To the mystic thinker like Ghalib however, it is not important whether they worship idols but whether in doing so, they are expressing in their own way, a true love of God. The idol, according to Ghalib, was the symbol of irresistible beautiful mistress that a lover idolizes and adore. She, at the same time, is also the symbol of the divine beloved. Ghalib’s views on religion may match with the mood of the ghazal of the times but it is true that his verses were not simply exercises in the conventions of the ghazal, but expressions of his own beliefs and practice.

Wednesday, November 2, 2016

Deccani Culture is not inferior to Mughal Culture: Introductory meeting of Centre for Deccan Studies in Urdu University


Deccani Culture is in no way inferior to Moghal Culture. Since adequate attention was not paid to the cultures of Ahmad Nagar, Bijapur & Golconda, it has presumed that it is inferior to other cultures. These thoughts were expressed by the renowned artist Padmashri Jagdish Mittal, in a meeting held at Maulana Azad National Urdu University, organized to elicit opinions and suggestions for the formulation of the aims and objectives of the proposed “Centre for Deccan Studies”. The meeting was presided over by Prof. Mohammed Miyan, Vice Chancellor. Continuing his speech, Mr. Mittal proposed a Heritage Foundation and a library equipped with books on Deccani Culture, Language and literature which should be translated into the Modern languages.

Prof. Mohammad Miyan hoped that the opinions expressed in the consultative meeting will be helpful for the formulation of programmes and policies of the centre. Prof. Abdus Sattar Dalvi, pointing out the centrality of Golconda, impressed upon the need to preserve the architectural heritage of the buildings of Qutub Shahi period. He suggested for a research centre on Deccani Language Studies which needs experts from Urdu, Arabic, Persian, Linguistics, Manuscriptology etc.Mr. Ayoob Ali Khan (Times of India) presented Keynote Address. He informed that Dr. Vasant Kumar Bava is running a Deccani Centre and another centre is functioning in London. MANUU being a central University can do a better job in this area. The meeting was started with the recitation of the Quranic verses by Qari Mohammad Zakir Husain Nizami, Dr. Naseemuddin Farees, Coordinator, conducted the meeting. Mr. Abid Abdul Wasay, P.R.O. proposed the vote of thanks.

After the introductory meeting, discussion session was started which was presided over by Prof. Mohammed Suleman Siddiqi, Professor of Azad Chair. The panellists were Dr. Dawood Ashraf, Prof. Abdus Sattar Dalvi, Mr. Omer Farooq and Ms. Anuradha Naik.Setting the tone for the discussion, Prof. Suleman Siddiqui suggested a programme of action for the proposed centre to be implemented in five phases of Pooling up resources; Assigning research work to scholars; Publication of Quarter/half yearly journal; Conducting research on Qutub Shahi, Bareed Shahi, Adil Shahi, Nizam Shahi, Asif Jahi Periods, Tipu Sultan and his wars with the British and the French In the last phase the centre should be established on a full fledged basis.

Mr. Sajjad Shahid (Heritage Conservationist). Dr. V. K. Bava (Former Director, Archives), Prof. Khalid Saeed, Dr. Abdul Quayum, Dr. Mohanty, Prof. Fatima Ali Khan, Dr. M.A. Nayeem, Prof. Baig Ehsas, Prof. Anwaruddin, Dr. Habeeb Nisar, Dr. Sanjay Sudheer, Prof. Rekha Pandy, Mr. Ziauddin Nayyer, Mr. Mohammed Safiullah and others participated in the discussion.

Present on this occasion were Padmashri Mujtaba Hussain, Ms. Lakshmidevi Raj, Dr. Sudhir Naik, and others.

Mr. Abdul Rashid Shaik, Asst. Registrar proposed the vote of thanks for the second session.

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The Siasat Daily
30.3.2012

Disappearing Daeccani Culture

A Muslim priest stands outside an orthodox Hindu neighbour's house and recites prayers to mark the Gyaarvi ceremony. The priest, then asks them to perform this thanksgiving ceremony by feeding 11 people every year as the Hindu couple, who remained childless for years, was blessed with two daughters after they partook Tabarruk, an offer from a famous Dargah given by the priest's mother.
This anecdote narrated by well-known Urdu writer and academic, Zeenat Sajida, mirrors the traditional composite culture of erstwhile Hyderabad. Has this refined Deccani culture as typified by the Hyderabadi way of living, become passé in the wake of globalisation and urbanisation, coupled with the expediency of electoral politics? Some of the prominent Muslim intellectuals of the city feel so. Rather wistfully and with nostalgia , they recalled that the fundamental feature, which distinguished the Deccani culture, was its composite nature - a milieu in which the rulers and the subjects alike, while retaining their identity, respected the faith and beliefs of others. And their catholic outlook did not end by merely respecting the others' faith; they also participated with genuine warmth and affection in the festivities and other events."It was not culture predicated on mere tolerance. It was the culture of recognition of the right of others. It was secular in the true sense of the word. There was no difference between a Hyderabadi Muslim, Hindu, Sikh or anybody," observed eminent Urdu poet, Rashid Azur. Bonhomie, etiquette, manners, social graces, humility and simplicity were some of the attributes, which constituted the `zeitgeist' or the spirit of the times. The frenetic pace of urbanisation has transformed the cultural landscape of the city so completely that these values are rapidly becoming extinct.

Reflecting on the egalitarian attitude with which they were brought up, Rashid said, "We used to play with our servants. Chirkhi billa, goliyaan, lone paat, gilli danda, kabbadi were some of the games fondly played by all. The respect for elders was equally pervading and we always used to address our driver as `Khan Saab'. Another aspect of the Deccani way of living, which was missing now was that the family of servants used to live for generations in the house of their masters. They used to be part of the household ," he reminisced. "I think the Khuloos (affection) and friendship of those times is missing now," rued Zeenat Sajida. Such was the extent of cross-cultural interaction and togetherness that it influenced even the cuisine. Yet another feature was that a majority of Muslims avoided eating beef. "The culture was almost similar in the houses of Rajputs, Kayasths and Muslims," she added. Every house had an open courtyard and a "Dalaan" (an open living room), and the size of Dalaan more or less reflected the social status of the householder, she added.


For Prof. S. Sirajuddin, a retired professor of English from Osmania University, those were the times of bonhomie, gracious living, love of poetry and good food. "Poetry circulated in houses and aired in mushairas. It went deep into the psyche of Urdu speaking people," he recalled.
Hyderabad had high quality mushairas which have become a thing of past. Outside Delhi and Lucknow in the North, Hyderabad was the most important centre of Urdu. Mushaira was a major cultural and social event in which the nobility and the commoners constituted a very appreciative and discerning audience. The city attracted poets like Daagh Dehelvi, Josh Malihabadi, Fani Badayuni and Fasahat Jung Jaleel among others. Another retired English Professor, Taqi Ali Mirza, said that the preservation of temples, mosques and monuments like Ajanta and Ellora received lot of attention from the rulers, who used to give generous grants. "Very munificent grants were given by the Nizam to non-Muslim universities like the Benares Hindu University and the Bandarkar Research Institute, Pune." In matters of dress too, there was lot of commonality between Hindu and Muslim students on the Osmania University campus. The Hindus used to wear a cap, which was compulsory and a sherwani or a coat. There was no restriction on wearing dhotis. "I miss that amity and fellow feeling now. There is feeling of alienation among the communities due to political reasons...this is very sad," he lamented.


Former Director of Salar Jung Museum, M. L. Nigam said the Hyderabadi tehzeeb was a gracious way of living, which had nothing to do with religion. "When we talk of Hyderabadi culture, it does not mean it is the culture of Muslims or Hindus. The whole problem today is that we are confusing culture with religion." Citing another famous incident which reflected the secular culture, he said the sixth Nizam, Mahbub Ali Khan worshipped River Musi and offered a sari after it flooded half the city in 1908. "The greatest merit of that culture was that it integrated the people, irrespective of their caste and creed." "Life was essentially easy-paced and stress-free," observed Ghani Nayeem, Urdu scholar, who said that nothing reflected this better than the present-day marriages, which have none of the refinement, grace and elegance of old Hyderabadi marriages. Old world ceremonies like "chakki ka rasm" in which seven suhagans (married women) ground turmeric in a grinding stone have already become extinct. How many young people today know of a Mushata (match-maker) or a Mirasan, who used to sing wedding songs, he queried.


A revival of that great culture and tradition might be the answer to Hyderabad's eternal peace and harmony.

The essence of Deccani culture and dementias


Hyderabadi culture is interpreted in different ways by different people. In the pop culture of today, the city stands for Hyderabadi Biryani, pearls and Charminar. For the upwardly mobile, it is the place for opportunity and growth. Bollywood loves the city for its typical lingua franca – the Hyderabadi. People coming from North India don’t feel out of place because it is not ‘deeply southern’. Hyderabad is perhaps all this and much more. It is difficult to capture the essence of Hyderabad in one word or one sentence.

The best one can get near a definition of Hyderabadi culture is ‘Ganga-jamuni tahzeeb’, which connotes synthesis of different cultures. Hyderabad is truly a melting pot of cultures and languages. Besides Telugu and Urdu, we can find a large number of people who speak Marathi, Kannada and Tamil. For anyone who has grown up in Hyderabad in the 1960s and the 1970s, knowledge of multiple languages became part of the growing up process. Those days it was not difficult to find elders who had studied in Osmania University or the City College in an era when the medium of instruction was Urdu. In lanes and bylanes of Kothi and Badi Chawadi you could hear people talking in Marathi. Further down towards Kachiguda, you could do with smattering of Kannada. Still these languages were not spoken in their pure forms but had a tinge of Hyderabadi. The city truly represented the heart of Deccan.

Multilingualism is the most precious heritage of the Hyderabadi or Deccani culture and it needs to be preserved for reasons other than historical or nostalgic as well. For many years now, Western scientists have been pointing to the important role knowledge of more than one language plays in certain cognitive functions which are critical in onset of dementias. A study published by scientists from York University last year had explained how speaking more than one language may translate into better mental health. It found that being bilingual can offer protection from symptoms of dementia. Previous studies had established that bilingualism has a beneficial effect on cognitive development in children, but this one found out the same is true in adults.Now it is heartening to see similar work done by Indian scientists and that too from Hyderabad, which provides a perfect cultural backdrop for multilingualism.

Scientists from Nizam's Institute of Medical Sciences, working with researchers from the University of Edinburgh, have found that people who speak more than one language and who develop dementia tend to do so up to five years later than people who speak just one language. They examined almost 650 dementia patients and assessed when each one had been diagnosed with the condition. They found that people who spoke two or more languages experienced a later onset of Alzheimer's disease, vascular dementia and frontotemporal dementia. Significantly, the bilingual advantage extended to illiterate people who had not attended school. This means formal education does not make a difference in language learning and its beneficial impact. The impact of bilingualism on the onset of dementia was tested after accounting for other influencing factors like education, gender, occupation and whether they live in a city or in rural areas.

Juggling languages means switching between sounds, words, concepts, grammatical structures and social norms. This acts like a natural training programme for our brain and scientists say that it is more effective than any artificial brain training programme. Lifelong experience in managing attention to two languages activates or reorganizes specific brain networks. This, in turn, results in effective ways for executive control and sustaining better cognitive performance throughout the lifespan. In a way, a multilingual brain is uniquely shaped and differently networked.

Another recent study by American linguists had found that people adept at speaking more languages also possess multi-tasking skills because they are able to mentally negotiate between languages. Multi-lingual persons appear to have special switching skills, when it comes to choice of language at any given time. They can effectively negotiate through competition of languages. The language selection – or code switching in scientific parlance - is actually considered a form of mental exercise. New research has demolished past theories of linguists that learning multiple languages hinders cognitive development in children or that multilingual adults have difficulty switching between languages.

With changing lifestyles and increasing lifespan, India is seeing the rise of dementias. Perhaps it is time to look back. The comment made by Thomas Bak of University of Edinburgh, who collaborated with Suvarna Alladi of NIMS for the study, is eye opening. He says that bilingualism might have a stronger influence on dementia that any currently available drugs. It is time to say cheers to good old Hyderabadi culture and embrace it for the sake of our brains.

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Dinesh C Sharma,The writer can be reached at dineshcsharma@gmail.com- Metro india

DAKHANI MOMIN COMMUNITY

Dakhani Momin Community is one of the oldest Community which is existent in Maharashtra  since last 613 years. Majority of Community People are residing in  Mumbai, Thane, Pune, Aale, Behle, Manchar,Junnar, Yeola, Sagamner,Rajguru Nagar(Khed), Narayangaon, etc. Dakhani Momin Community is Considered as " OTHER BACKWARD CLASS" by Government of India as well as the Government of  Maharashtra.

Origin of Community

The History of community begins with the first question i.e.  “What is the origin of community?” The most common answer and the one which is believed by most of the elders of the community is the story published in Gazetteers of Bombay Presidency, Poona District- Volume XVIII, Part-I publishedin1885.

“Momins, that is Believers, are weavers who are found in considerable numbers over the whole district. They are descended from Hindus of the Kosti and Sali castes, and are said to have been converted by the saint Khwaja Syad Hussain Gaisudaraz of Gulbarga about the year 1398 (800 H.). They speak Hindustani among themselves and Marathi with others. The men are tall or of middle height, thin, and dark. They shave the head, wear the beard full, and dress in a large Maratha-Kunbi turban, a shirt, an overcoat, and a pair of tight trousers or a waistcloth. The women are tall or of middle height, thin, well featured, and olive-skinned. They wear the Maratha robe and bodice, appear in public, and help the men in all parts of their work including weaving. They add to the family income as much as a man. Neither men nor women are clean or tidy. They are weavers by craft and are hardworking and thrifty, but the competition of English and Bombay goods presses them hard. The rich employ the poor to weave for them and pay them 2s. to 4s. (Rs. 1-2) for a robe of silk or cotton, which they make ready in four days, for a turban if of cotton 2s. (Re. 1) and if of silk 3s. (Rs. 1½) woven in four days, for a striped cotton cloth 3d. to 6d. (2-4 as.), and for a waistcloth 1s. to 1s. 6d. (8-12 as.). They weave in hand looms using English or Bombay yarn. They weave cotton or silk turbans worth 6s. to £2 (Rs. 3-20), waistcloths with silk borders worth 6s. to £1 (Rs. 3-10), cotton robes worth 5s. to 8s. (Rs. 2½-4), cotton-silk robes worth 10s. to £2 (Rs.5-20), and striped cotton and silk for bodices worth 1s. to 6s. (Rs.½-3) the yard. These goods are sold either to wholesale dealers, who send them to Bombay and Surat, or to retail dealers in the market. They are extremely hardworking, weaving twelve to fifteen hours a day, working at night by lamp-light. They marry only among themselves, and as the women are as hard working as the men, some of them have two or even three wives.

They have a well managed union under a headman or patel chosen from the richest members, who, with the consent of the majority of the male members, fines any one who breaks their caste rules. Their manners and customs differ little from those of other Musalmans. In religion they are Sunnis of the Hanafi school, and most of the old men are said to be religious and careful to say their prayers. Their spiritual head is the representative of Khwaja Syad Hussain, the saint who converted them. He visits them yearly or once every second or third year, when they give him presents of cash and cloth. The spiritual guide, on making a new disciple, teaches him the creed and gives advice about conduct. Besides the religious and moral teaching the guide gives each of the disciples a list of his forefathers back to saint Khwaja. The disciple treats this list with the highest respect. He keeps it and values it as dearly as his life, and sometimes has it buried with him in the belief that the holy names will satisfy the angels and prevent them from torturing him in the grave. [The Musalman belief is, that after the body is buried it is brought to life and two angels, Munkir and Nakir, visit and question the dead. They ask who is his Creator and his Prophet, and what is his religion. If the dead answers that his God is the same as theirs, his Prophet is the Prophet Muhammad, and his religion is the religion of Abraham whom God saved from fire, the angels retire, and, by God's will, the grave is made a paradise in which the believer remains till the judgment day. Sinners who fail to give satisfactory answers are tortured by the angels with hell fire which ceaselessly burns them till the judgment day.] Some have of late begun to teach their children Marathi and English. Besides as weavers some earn their living as constables, messengers, and servants.”

Dakhani Momin Jamat

Momin of Mahahrsahtra as Per Anthropological Survey of India
Russell and Hiralal(1916) stated that the " Julaha(Momin) are a low Mohammededan caste group of weavers resided mainly in Saugor and Burhanpur.They numbered about 4000 persons in 1911. In Nagpur district the Muslim weavers call themselves as Momin. In Northern India and Bengal  the Julaha are very, numerous and the bulk of them are probably converted Hindus."

They are also called 'Ansari' and 'Julaha'. Marriages are found between and Momin Community.' Ansari' is synonym for Momin in Khandesh of Maharshtra. There is a small division are near Ahmednagar district and twenty two gaonwala meaning those who are around Pune in Maharshtra.In Maharashtra the Momin are living mainly in Bombay, Pune, Nasik, Ahmednagar,Aurangabad, Jalna, Osmanabad, Latur, Bid, Parbhani,Dhule, Nagpur, Thane, Raigadh districts. They are mainly concentrated in the urban centres.The Momin are settled on the plateau and in the plain areas of Maharashtra, They have developed their traditional occupation of weaving in the cotton belt. The climate of the region is warm and hot and rainfall ranges from 100 to 200 cm. They speak in Urdu at home and with other kin groups. Their children take education in Urdu, Marathi, or in Hindi. They can speak and understand Hindi and Marathi. They use Urdu as their script within the family groups.

The men wear itakamit,topi(cap) and pajama, some men wear lungi with shirt. Young boys also wear pant, shirt and tpoi(cap).Women wear the sari or salwar kameez. If they have to go outside, females also wear burkha.The Julaha are considered as Other Backward Class(O.B.C.) in Maharashtra. The Momin are non-vegetarian community and they eat mutton, chicken,fish egg and beef but never pork.They are regular non-vegetarians and along with it they take rice and wheat.Among pulses they eat tur,gram,urad, and moong.They use Groundnut oil as the cooking medium and they consume milk, milk products and tea.They also consume leafy vegetable, fruit is eaten occasionally. They prefer rice to roti.

The Momin are an endogamous community of Muslims Sayyad,Shaikh Khan and Baig are considered as higher Muslim groups. Only two small sub-groups in the Momin are based on territorial background.That is the eleven gaonwale around Ahmednagar and twenty two gaonwale around Pune.It is found that the Momin are diverging into different occupations. Though the the Momin are an endogamous community, differences in hierarchy are found on the economic and occupational level.Some are weavers and some are in seasonal business.

Marriages are found among brothers children, and with the mother's and father's sister's children. The marriageable age for boys ranges between 20 to 25 years while for girls, it between 16 and 22 years. Marriages are transacted by negotiation.Lachha (Suhagpot) (mangalsutra) is considered as the marriage symbol.Each party in the marriage bears its own expenditure. Mehar is fixed at Rs.55 and it has to be paid after divorce by the husband to the wife. After divorce the husband has to pay maintenance for the three months and 13 days called iddat.Divorce may happen on the ground of adultery,maladjusment and insanity. They take verbal divorce by uttering talak three times before the Jamat(caste Panchayat).Remarriage is allowed to both male and female divorcees, and widows and widowers. the age for marriage increased slightly because of financial difficulties. 

Dakhni Sikhs (not Muslims, but mother tongue Dakhni)


Dakhni Sikhs

Dakhni is actually a language that predates both Urdu and Hindi, and was spoken in the south. The historical Dakhni language is considered by some scholars to be source for both Urdu and for Hindi. The history of Dakhni culture also centers in Maharashtra, and hence the assimilation of Sikhs in the culture of Deccan won them the name "Dakhni" Sikhs.

The history of the Deccani Sikhs can be traced back to the visit of Guru Nanak who, accompanied by two disciples, Bala, a Hindu, and Mardana, a Muslim, crossed the Deccan, including Hyderabad. Thereafter, about three centuries ago, i.e. some time in September 1708 A.D., Guru Gobind Singh, while on a sojourn to the South, expired at Nanded. As was common in those days, the Guru had an entourage of about 300 persons with him. Some of these people stayed back and made Nanded their home by marrying into local families. It is the descendants of these Sikhs who are known as Deccani Sikhs.

THE PEOPLE AND THEIR CULTURE-MUSLIMS


MUSLIMS Classes.
ACCORDING TO THE 1951 CENSUS MUSLIMS NUMBERED 1,51,215 (Males 76,794; Females 74,421) in Jalgaon. This is nearly ten per cent of the total population. Most of these can be classified as Sayyids, Pathans, Moghals and Shaikhs. Apart from these there is a considerable percentage of Muslims which goes by the name of their traditional occupations like Attars, Maniars, Nalband, Tambolis. A very large proportion of the present day Muslims was originally Hindus but after conversion to Islam, whether voluntary or under duress, they adopted the family name of Shaikh, Sayyid or Pathan from the religious or military or civil leader under whom they were converted. Such of them as have a strain of foreign blood are probably the descendants of Arabs who took service under the Faruqi dynasty (1370-1599) and afterwards were hired by Moghals, Marathas and local chiefs. Others of foreign extraction are the Maliks, the descendants of the first Muslim converts in the north who followed the armies of Ala-ud-din Khilji and other Ghori kings and chiefs. Besides those who claim Arab descents, some Khandesh Muslims have a tradition that their forefathers belonged to Khorasan, while others trace them vaguely to Hindustan and some say that they originally came from Ahmadnagar. Each Moghal expedition seems to have brought fresh settlers from the north. Of Khandesh Muslims, nearly a third are presumably servants and the rest traders, craftsmen, husbandmen and workers. Except the Shia Bohoras and a few who have become Wahabis, all are Sunnis by profession; in common behaviour and often in appearance they are nearer to their Hindu brethern in their various callings and occupations.
Of the four general classes named above, Moghals are very few. Others like the Tadvis, i.e., converted Bhils and the Naikwadis, probably Hindus from Mysore, once upon a time chose to call themselves Pathans. Some families of Sayyids are of undoubted foreign descent and some Shaikh families are the descendants of the house of Faruqi kings.
Dawoodi Bohoras.
The community of traders are Dawoodi Bohoras, who are Shias of the Islamia sect and followers of the Mullaji Saheb who had formerly his headquarters in Surat but who now has shifted them to Bombay. Most of them have come from Burhanpur, once the headquarters of their sect and are found more in Bhusaval, Chopda, Raver and Jalgaon. With a stain of Arab and Persion blood in some of them, they are chiefly descendants of converts of Nagars and Banias of North Gujarat. They are easily distinguished from other Muslims by their small tightly-wound white or golden turbans and skull caps, as also by their long flowing white robes and loose trousers widening from the ankles upwards and fastened round the waist into puckers with a string. Their language is Gujarati. They marry among themselves. In most of the important towns they have their own mosques; they do not attend Sunni mosques. At each of their settlements there is an office-bearer called Mulla under a superior officer who is stationed at Burhanpur. The Mulla conducts their marriage, death and other ceremonies. Bohoras are supposed to pay an annual contribution of one-fifth of their incomes to the Mullaji Saheb. They are all traders dealing chiefly in iron and hardware goods.
The twelve communities of craftsmen are Attars or perfumers, Bhandekars or potters, Kadias or brick-layers, Gai Kasabs or beef butchers, Khatiks or mutton butchers, Momins or weavers, Nalbands or farriers, Shikalgars or knife grinders, Shishgars or glass bangle makers, Sutars or carpenters and Takaras or millstone grinders.
MUSLIMS Classes. Other classes.
Of these, Attars are converted Hindus, tall, thin and fair as a rule. Their home language is Hindustani and they dress like ordinary Deccani Muslims except that their turbans are smaller. The women wear a kurta and ijar.Bhandekars are a small class of local converts spread all over the district. They speak corrupt Hindustani at home and dress like Marathas, but their women, put on a kurta and ijar. They make earthen pots. Gai-kasabs are local converts calling themselves Shaikhs: Their language is Hindustani at home. They sell only beef or buffalo flesh. Khatiks are also local converts. Their women dress like Hindus. They sell only mutton and neither sell nor eat beef. Momins or Julahas are local converts who embraced Islam during the reign of Aurangzeb. They weave cloth on their own or on hire. Shikalgars or armourers are a mixed class including both local and foreign Muslims. Those among them who are known as Ghasaris were comparatively recent converts to Islam under the preaching of Syed Safdar Ali, the Kazi of Nasirabad. They still maintain their identity by not mixing socially or by marriage with other Shikalgars. Formerly they used to make knives and razors, even swords and daggers. But the prohibition to wear arms and competition of foreign goods of better quality and finish ruined their trade. They returned to the land as labourers or were absorbed in other callings. Some still make a poor living by sharpening and grinding knives and razors and such other domestic implements. Shishgars or Maniars are a mixed class. They make glass or the lac bracelets and bangles. Their trade also has been practically ruined by better goods from abroad and other parts of the country. Sutars are the descendants of those who were converted during the reign of Aurangzeb. Takaras make millstones and repair them. Most of them have some skill in surgery and are known as hakims. Tambats or coppersmiths are immigrants from Marvad. They make copperpots. They took to educating their offsprings early under British rule and many entered Government service. They extract perfume from flowers and sell cosmetics, hair oils and dentifrices.
The three communities of husbandmen and cattle-breeders are Baghbans or gardeners, Maulas or Deshmukhs and Multanis Baghbans are local converts. Besides working as gardeners they sell fruits and vegetables, buying them wholesale and retailing them. Maulas are the representatives of the district revenue officers and village headmen, accountants and servants, who preserve their office and pay on the promise of grant of lands. They embraced Islam during the reign of Aurangzeb. It often happened that of the same family one branch became Muslim and the other remained Hindu. Not having married with Muslims, except that some men grow beard, they have remained Hindu in appearance, dress and character. Multanis who are husbandmen and cattle-breeders are the descendants of the camp followers who came with Aurangzeb's armies from North India. There are the Maliks who claim descent from the early converts to Islam during the first Muhammedans invasion in 1300. The Naikwadis are believed to be descendants of the soldiers of Tipu who during the disturbances that followed his overthrow settled in the northern districts. Originally Hindus, they are said to have been converted and named by Haider Naik. Some of them have leanings towards the Wahabi faith. Tadvis are Bhils converted by Aurangzeb. Bhangis are both descendants of converts and others who have lately come from North India.
But for the fact that a good many Muslims in Jalgaon sport the beard and have their heads tonsured, they differ little in appearance from the local Hindus. The Momins and Bohoras speak Gujarati or Kutchi at home but the other Muslims speak Hindustani with a number of Marathi words and in the peculiarly Khandesh Marathi accent. Their houses also do not differ much from those of the Hindus. The rich houses have generally four or five rooms, the front room being used as a diwankhana for men. It is decorated with a few mats, carpets and cushions. The middle rooms are bed-rooms, one of them being reserved for women of the family. There is a store-room and kitchen also with a stock of metal vessels. Houses in villages may not have well water-supply and then the women fetch water from a river or a pond without caring much for purdah which is ordinarily observed.
Food.
Muslims are meat-eaters but few can afford to have meat as part of their daily food. So their food habits also are not very different from those of Hindus. Occasionally they may take fowl, eggs and fish but millet bread, dal and rice are the daily fare. Well-to-do families may take three meals a day; others usually two. On festivals like Bakr Id, every Muslim will have meat in his menu. They do not object to beef but do not like it. Mutton is preferred by all but beef is usually consumed by the poor. Use of tobacco in some from or other is quite common among all classes of Muslims.
Dress.
In the matter of dress, a uniformity is slowly evolving. As for instance, young office-going, white collared people of all communities dress in the same way, a pair of pants and shirt or a bush-shirt or bush-coat being the latest style. Headwear is altogether being dispensed with. Yet some old patterns persist here and there. The sherwani and pyjama do still make a distinctive dress of the Muslims. Some of them use the chudidarpyjama in the Uttar Pradesh style. Salvar which is distinctively Punjabi is also used by some with the sherwani. At prayer time, Muslims wear what is called a lungi (loin cloth) reaching down to the ankles with a pahiran. Men generally wear indoors a loin-cloth and a waist-coat. Out of doors, a loose turban, coat and trousers of some sort will be usually found. Inddors women use the sari and bodice in the Maratha style but the tendency even among women is to adopt the Punjab dress of kurta, salvar and odhni.
Ornaments.
Men usually do not wear any ornaments except rings and shirt studs. Women usually begin married life with some ornaments, commensurate with the status of the husband. It is usual to present the daughter or the daughter-in-law with some costly ornaments at the time of marriage. The poor give silver ornaments.
Marriage.
Among Jalgaon Muslims offers of marriage come from the parents of the marriageable boy. The boy's father first spots a girl and if the girl's father is willing, both of them consult the Kazi and the Maulavi over the birth stars of the boy and the girl. There is nothing like prohibited degrees preventing marriages. First cousins are joined in wedlock, the only restriction being that the bride and the groom should not have fed at the breasts of the same mother. If the stars are found favourable, they settle as to what the boy's father should pay the girl's father as dowry for the girl. The girl's father usually spends the sum on the marriage. If both parties are well off, no such transactions may take place. Girls of poor and middle class families are married earlier but among the rich marriages are usually delayed over finding suitable matches. Caste endogamy and observation of some Hindu marriage customs still prevail, particularly in rural areas among the unsophisticated. Betrothal usually takes place a year or a few months before the wedding. A Kazi is present at the betrothal. On this occasion, which is usually a selected auspicious hour, the bridegroom sends the bride the present of a green coloured sadi and bodice-piece to match and an ornament like the todas, to be worn on the anklets and he receives in return from the bride's father a turban, a ring and a cloth piece. When the wedding day approaches, a pandal is erected in front of the house and the muhurtmedh is planted just as Hindus do. The rajjaka ceremony is performed at night, the main item of which is the recital of songs in praise of God and beating of drums by women of the household and relatives and often by professional players. While this revelry goes on gulgulas and rahims, heaped in a pyramid shape in two big plates are kept, the former by the bride and latter by the groom. Gulgulas are small stuffed wheat cakes and rahims are boiled rice flour balls made with milk, sugar and rose water. After offering red cotton cord, flowers and burnt incense to the pyramids of these sweets, they are broken and the cakes and balls are distributed among the women. Next day, a woman with her husband alive marks the groom's clothes with turmeric paste. This is done without the knowledge of the boy and is, therefore, called chor-halad. This is followed in the evening by savhalad, i.e., public turmeric ceremony in which the bride and the groom are rubbed with turmeric paste each separately and one after the other. This is followed by the biyapari feast at which incense is burnt in the name of Allah and the bride and the groom pray and salute all present. Friends and relatives make presents of clothes to the parents of the bride and the groom. This is akin to the Aher custom among Hindus. A feast of pulav (spiced rice cooked with mutton) or mutton and capati is served to the guests. The  next ceremony is telmendi, i.e., applying oil and henna paste. This is brought from the bride's house by her sister or in her absence by some one who is like a sister. She sits behind a curtain and rubs it on the groom's palms and gets a money present. The remaining henna paste is then applied to the palms and soles of the bride.
Wedding.
Muslim marriages are usually solemnised at night. About 10 o'clock, the groom's kinsmen and friends seat him on horseback and accompany him in a procession to the bride's house. The groom is dressed in a jama, i.e., long coat and a mandil (turban) and a cloak of Jasmine or similar white flowers is thrown over his body from top to toe. The procession reaches the marriage pandal or hall and processionists are received at the entrance by the bride's kinsmen and seated. The Kazi is then called to register the marriage. Two male agents called vakils and two witnesses, one for the bride and one for the groom, stand before the Kazi and declare that they have agreed to the proposed marriage and are ready to hear evidence. Before making this declaration they approach the bride, formally repeat the name, and age of the bridegroom and ask her whether she is willing to accept him as the marital partner or not. After she gives her assent, they declare it to the Kazi and the guests present. The Kazi then asks the groom and the bride's father to sit facing each other and hold each other's right hand and registers the marriage. The sum stipulated as dowry for the girl is also registered. The bridegroom announces before all present that he has taken the bride for his wife with the said, sum of dowry. The bride's father repeats the announcement. This done the bridegroom embraces his father-in-law and salutes every one present. Then there is a music and dance party till early hours of the next day. About day-break the bride's brother calls the bridegroom to the women's apartment. The new couple is asked to sit side by side on a raised seat and look into each other's face. While they are thus seated the Kazi takes a little sugar, puts it on the bride's right shoulder and asks the groom whether he finds the sugar sweeter than his wife. He says sugar is sweet, hut the wife is sweeter and the Koran is the sweetest. The couple look at each other's face in a mirror, place their hands on the. backs of cither and make a how to Allah five times. If they are literate they read the chapter on Islam, i.e., peace from the Koran. The bride then leaves the groom who stays in the pandal or hall till the varat or home-going procession time. In this procession it is customary to seat the bride in a carriage and the groom riding a horse escorts his wife hone. When they reach the front gate of their house, they are welcomed by the groom's sisters and cousins who before letting him go in take his promise that he would give his daughter in marriage to their sons.
Religion.
Most Muslims do not attend the mosque daily for prayers but they do so on occasions like Ramzan and Bakr-Id. Yet they are particular to join the public prayers and most of them fast during Ramzan. The traditional religious functionaries of the Muslims are the Kazi who now chiefly acts as the marriage registrar, the Khatib or preacher, the Mulla or Maulana, i.e., priest and the Mujawar (beadle). Even these officers have now almost disappeared and the mosque services are now led by any learned or prominent man or a maulavi, who is usually a lawyer. The Bangi (who cries Allaho Akbar five times a day from the turret of a mosque and calls the faithful to the prayers) is invariably employed in even an humble mosque. Muslims believe in Pirs or saints to whom they pray for children or for health and offer sacrifices and gifts to them. It is the aspiration of every Muslim to become a haji by making a haj, i.e., pilgrimage to Mecca and bow to the Kaaba but few can afford to do so.
Birth.
Muslims seem to believe in Satvai like the Hindus; for. on the sixth day of the birth of a child, a silver human tooth and a small silver sickle are worshipped as her symbol. The tooth and the sickle are placed in a winnowing fan with a platter containing the heart and head of a goat and boiled rice, some cocoa kernel, two betel leaves and a betel-nut and a marking-nut with a needle through it for the Satvai to write the fate of the newly born. A feast is given to friends and relatives. The family is regarded as ceremonially unclean for forty days after child birth. The mother is given a ceremonial bath on that day and a new chess is given to her. She is also given new glass bangles. Feasts of pulao and banga, i.e., rice and mutton respectively cooked together and separately are given to friends and kinsmen. In the evening the child is given new little clothes and its hands and feet are decorated with silver trinkets. Women gather near the cradle, rock it and give the child a name which is chosen by the Kazi in conformity with the position of the stars at the time of its birth. Before naming; the child, a piece of sandalwood is wrapped in a napkin, waved about the cradle, passed from one woman to another with the words "take this moon and give the sun". After repealing this several times, they lay the niece of wood by the side of the babe and name the child.
Circumcision.
An important Muslim sacrament for males is circumcision or Sunta. It is performed at any time between a male child's third and twelfth year but it is always thought that the younger the age the better for the child. The ceremony, if elaborately gone through, may extend over three or four days. A pandal is erected as on the occasion of a wedding and the boy to be circumcised is rubbed with turmeric paste for two days. A biyaparijama and a sultani shera (a veil made of net-work of flowers) and is taken in a procession to the mosque to offer prayers. On return home after mid-day meals, he is seated on a raised seat and the barber, who is called Nabi (prophet) or Khalifa (ruler) calls out 'Din Din' and skilfully performs the circumcision. Next day the barber washes the wound, turns up the foreskin with a wooden instrument called ghodi and applies oil to the wound. He is given a suitable fee for his services. In most families the ceremony is finished in a day. Instead of going to the mosque, the ceremony is also performed at home in the presence of a Kazi. The wound heals in about two weeks. To celebrate the recovery also a feast is given, but the tendency of late is to cut down the ceremony to the shortest duration possible and not much fuss is made about it. feast is held on the second day when women, friends and relations are invited and five women with their husbands alive are asked to fast and are treated to a special dinner after the fast is over. On the third day, the boy is given a ceremonial bath, dressed in
The bismilla (initiation) and akika (sacrifice) ceremonies are now-a-days not much cared for, partly owing to ignorance of the scripture and partly because of poverty.
Funeral.
Among Muslims, the custom invariably is to bury the dead. When a Muslim dies, some near relations accompanied by a Mulla purchase a shroud 75 feet long for a man and 90 feet long for a woman and other things necessary for a funeral, viz., rose-water, scents, sulphurate of antimony, frankincense and yellow earth, a flower net when the dead person is a female. The dead body is washed with hot water boiled with bor and pomegranate leaves and then with soap-nut water and laid on the back on a wooden board. The Mulla writes the creed about the greatness of Allah from the Koran in aloe-powder on the chest and forehead of the dead and puts pieces of camphor at all joints of the body. The body is then wrapped in a shroud and placed in a bier called janaja and taken to the graveyard. While going there all mourners who are only men recite Kalma-i-shahadat and verses from the Koran. The bearers keep on constantly changing. At the Idga,khatmas, last prayers. All come back to the house of the dead, repeat the khatmasziarat when flowers and sabja are placed on the whitewashed grave. Feasts are held on the fortieth day. Maulud, i.e., readings of the Koran are gone through. The Mulla is paid for his services in connection with the funeral. On this day, a garland of flowers is kept hanging from the centre of the roof on a large platter filled with a number of savoury dishes. The mourners burn incense before the platter and offer prayers for the soul of the dead. At the funeral feast, tobacco is not tabooed but no pan is eaten. Muhammedan law prescribes only one form of mourning in the case of the head of the house, viz., that his widow should remain in strict seclusion. This lasts for four months and ten days. prayers place, everybody prays. The corpse is then taken to the grave and buried. Everybody helps by throwing in some earth. The grave is closed and retiring forty paces from there they again pray for the dead. These prayers are called and go home. No food is cooked in the home of the dead on this day. It is provided by others. On the third day, there is the
Indian Muslims in Britain since 1947
A small number of Indian Muslim from all parts of British India was present who split into Indians and Pakistanis at the time of South Asia’s independence in 1947. Leaving aside parts of India that became Pakistan and Bangladesh, it is documented that Muslims from Surat and Bharuch started to arrive from the 1930s, settling in the towns of Dewsbury and Batley in Yorkshire and parts of Lancashire. There are large numbers of Gujarati Muslims in Blackburn, Bolton, Preston and in the London Boroughs of Newham, Waltham Forest and Hackney. Gujaratis have settled in such towns and cities as Leicester and Gloucester, as documented by a BBC report, http://www.bbc.co.uk/gloucestershire/untold_stories/asian/gujurati_commu...
Gujarati Muslims have established madarsas in Britain for their own group as well as for other Muslims as reported by BBC’s Dominic Casciani about a madarsa in Preston.[6] In the past, members of the Khalifa community held a low position in the social hierarchy, a status closely bound up with two of their hereditary occupations, barber and musician. While they were in stigmatized occupations in India, in Britain they are a well-established and relatively successful community. While the connection with hairdressing is acknowledged and actively pursued, music making is an area of contestation, with competing claims that “music is in our blood”, and that music is not fully endorsed by Islam. [7] Besides the Gujaratis, there are other ethnic groups who constitute the larger category called Indian Muslims in Britain. Kokni or Konkani Muslims from coastal Maharashtra region have also settled in many parts of Britain, especially London. A small but articulate number of Uttar Pradesh and Bihar Muslims represented by Aligarh Alumni Association are spread all over the country. India’s Operation Polo against Hyderabad in September 1948 drove hundreds of Deccani Muslims into Britain in that year. Since then Hyderabadis have grown into a community several thousand strong, mostly concentrated in London. [8]
Economically, most Indian Muslims fall into three categories: skilled and semi-skilled laborers, shop owners, and professionals or civil servants. A study by Mark S. Brown reveals that Indian Muslims are economically and educationally more advanced than Pakistanis and Bangladeshis in Britain. [9] A handful have become millionaires exemplified by the cases of Bihar-born Perween Warsi, known as “Samosa Queen,” [10] and Kolkata-born Nadeem Ahmad founder and managing director of Global Tea & Commodities Ltd, GTC. [11]
Courtesy-
The Gazetteers Department of Jalgaon District Gazetteer,
Maharashtra state